Where is Yulia Tymoshenko now? Tymoshenko, Yulia Vladimirovna
Yulia Tymoshenko - "Lady Yu", "iron lady", "gas princess", "icon of the orange revolution" and simply "lady with a scythe", which has become one of the most famous women in the world over the past decade. She won fame and popularity in the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine, which made her the main political prisoner of the country.
The biography of Yulia Tymoshenko is filled with many unsolved secrets, but this does not prevent the woman politician from confidently moving to the heights of power through all obstacles, showing perseverance, willpower and unbending character.
Childhood and youth
Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko (nee Grigyan) was born under the zodiac sign Sagittarius on November 29, 1960 in the city of Dnepr (formerly Dnepropetrovsk), the regional center of Ukraine. Her parents divorced when Julia was still a 3-year-old child. Father Vladimir Abramovich left the family, so the future Prime Minister of Ukraine was brought up only by her mother Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina, who worked as a dispatcher in a taxi depot.
The nationality of Yulia Tymoshenko remains an open question to this day: all her paternal ancestors were Latvians, and her maternal ancestors were Ukrainians. The childhood of the politician passed in difficult living conditions, there was not enough money, but the mother managed to surround her daughter with love and care.
At school, Julia did not show interest in the sciences. Teachers say that she studied without triples, but she was not an excellent student either. In her youth, she was engaged in rhythmic gymnastics, in connection with which she was predicted to have a career in sports. In high school, Tymoshenko decided to change her last name. She took her mother's surname, so in the graduation documents the schoolgirl is called Yulia Telegina.
After school, the “iron lady” of Ukrainian politics entered the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute, the Faculty of Automation and Telemechanics, but due to poor progress, she was expelled from the first year. Then she decided to try her hand in another direction and became a student at the Faculty of Economics of Dnepropetrovsk State University, from which she graduated with honors.
In 1999, Tymoshenko defended her thesis on the topic "State regulation of the tax system" and became a candidate economic sciences.
Business
In his youth, Timoshenko begins to take an interest in business. The working days of the girl began in Dnepropetrovsk machine-building plant as an engineer-economist. At that time, already married to Alexander Timoshenko, Yulia Vladimirovna opens a video rental point, for which she had to borrow money from friends.
Having earned the first money, Tymoshenko organizes the Terminal youth center, which was supposed to deal with the sale of petroleum products. This required initial capital, and the father-in-law of “Lady Yu” invested in the business. So Yulia Vladimirovna burst into the world of business against the backdrop of the collapse of the country's economic infrastructure in the early 90s.
Already in 1995, the Terminal cooperative, with the support of the then-governor of Dnipropetrovsk region Pavel Lazarenko, grew into the Ukrainian-British industrial and financial corporation United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) with a turnover of $ 10 billion. She headed the gas princess structure. Then she had a monopoly on the sale of Russian gas in Ukraine.
In 1996, UESU suffered great political and financial difficulties, which prompted Yulia Vladimirovna to enter the political arena.
Politics
In 1997, she became a people's deputy and took a leading position in the Gromada party. In 1999, Tymoshenko creates the All-Ukrainian Association "Batkivshchyna", at the head of which he gets into the government. Then she is appointed vice-premier for fuel and energy complex in the cabinet. Julia immediately showed herself in such a way that she fell out of favor with many politicians and businessmen of the country.
As a result, Alexander Timoshenko and her husband were arrested in 2000, and a year later Yulia Vladimirovna herself ended up in a pre-trial detention center. The couple were accused of smuggling Russian gas to Ukraine and tax evasion. Later, the Kyiv court recognized the charges against Tymoshenko as unfounded, as a result of which the "gas princess" was released from custody, and after a while her husband was also released, closing all criminal cases in the UESU.
Further, “Lady Yu” again continued her political activities and until 2005 raised the level of popularity among the population at the head of the opposition action “Ukraine without Kuchma”. Then she spoke in support of the future Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko and became the leader of the Orange Revolution. This allowed her to be on the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine.
In September 2005, Yushchenko dismissed the Tymoshenko government due to an internal conflict between the branches of government, which caused a mixed reaction among Ukrainian politicians. Nevertheless, her reputation is growing stronger in the world, and the American financial and economic magazine Forbes calls Yulia Tymoshenko the third most influential woman on the planet.
Yulia Vladimirovna does not give up and continues to stubbornly rush into the upper echelons of power. In 2006, the Timoshenko Bloc overtook the Party of Regions in the parliamentary elections, gaining more than 22% of the vote. Thus, in the Verkhovna Rada, the "orange coalition" took more than half of the seats. The new political formation also got the bulk of government portfolios, and Yulia Vladimirovna became the main opposition figure in the country.
In 2007, in the early elections to the Verkhovna Rada, the BYuT party improves its position, which gives Tymoshenko the opportunity to again receive the post of prime minister of the country.
Yulia Tymoshenko's signature hairstyle The second premiership of the "Iron Lady" fell on a period of a large-scale global crisis, but she managed to prevent major catastrophes in the economy. Its actions made it possible to avoid a default in the country, to support the mining and metallurgical complex and production, to prevent delays in the payment of wages to state employees and social payments to pensioners, to maintain the stability of tariffs for housing and communal services, in particular for gas, to privatize land plots and close the illegal gambling business.
During this period, Yulia Tymoshenko became the main person involved in the gas conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Then the Ukrainian-Russian relations reached an impasse, and the “gas princess”, the only one from the Yushchenko government, had to save the situation, for which she ended up in jail in the near future. She was accused of rendering a disservice to the country, since the gas supply agreement was signed on onerous terms and at an unprecedentedly high price. Soon, Yulia Tymoshenko's negotiations with the President of the Russian Federation will drastically affect her rating.
Before prison, Yulia Tymoshenko managed to take part in the 2010 presidential election, where she lost only a few percent of the vote to her rival, who became the head of Ukraine. After that, no confidence was declared in the government of Tymoshenko, she was dismissed, and an ally of Yanukovych took the chair of the prime minister.
Since May 2010, the "iron lady" of Ukraine began to reap the fruits of its activities: the Prosecutor General's Office opened several criminal cases against the politician at once. The most high-profile case was the gas contract with Russia, as well as the purchase of cars for rural medicine and “Kyoto money”, which she allegedly misused, which caused damage to the state in the amount of €380 million.
In October 2011, the Kyiv Pechersk Court sentenced Tymoshenko to 7 years in prison with $ 189 million in damages to the state. This decision of the courts provoked sharp criticism in the world community, which considers the criminal prosecution of the former Prime Minister of Ukraine politically motivated. Tymoshenko went to serve her sentence in the Kachanovsky colony in Kharkov.
Timoshenko's stay in prison from the first days was filled with unpredictability and mystery. A seemingly healthy woman began to declare in an interview about feeling unwell and bruising on her body, and lawyers reported that their client had been poisoned.
Later, Yulia Vladimirovna began to move poorly due to severe back pain. Tomography revealed an intervertebral hernia that chained the woman to a wheelchair. At the same time, in 2013, Tymoshenko held 2 indefinite hunger strikes in prison demanding that Yanukovych sign an agreement with the EU, but 12 days after the crowded Maidan appealed to her, she agreed to stop the action.
After a bloody battle on the main square of the Ukrainian capital and the deprivation of power of President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014, a decision was made to release the well-known political prisoner. The Verkhovna Rada decriminalized the article under which Yulia Tymoshenko was convicted, and on February 22, the "iron lady" was released.
Immediately after her release, the former Prime Minister of Ukraine entered the struggle for the presidency, but took second place, losing the main state post. Without breaking through to power, Tymoshenko began to reform the Batkivshchyna party, took the position of an ardent critic of the current Ukrainian leadership and became Poroshenko's main opponent.
In 2017, Yulia Vladimirovna is still active in politics. She does not leave hopes to rise again to the top of power, to take leading positions in the state. Some prospects opened up when Tymoshenko's rating went up significantly in 2016 amid the government's failures, as well as the steady loss of positions by President Petro Poroshenko.
Her political rhetoric has not actually changed. Yulia Vladimirovna promises the population to reduce tariffs for housing and communal services, remove the corruption component in the structure of public administration, make the operation of the energy industry system transparent, and also raise social standards.
As early as 2017, experts and political scientists predicted Tymoshenko's victory in the next elections President, and the Batkivshchyna party gave the palm in voting to the Verkhovna Rada. Yulia began her election campaign long before the official start, criticizing the failures of inept statesmen, trying to provoke early elections to the country's parliament.
Other prominent figures of the Ukrainian political scene are also fighting for the electorate of "Lady Yu". The leader of the "Radical Party" tried to win some of the voters of Yulia Tymoshenko to his side, and earlier the ex-president of Georgia tried to influence the sympathies of the Ukrainians. Political observers also call the main competitor of Yulia Tymoshenko, because earlier the former pilot of the Ukrainian Air Force was a member of the Batkivshchyna party.
In March 2017, Yulia Vladimirovna demanded the resignation of the Groysman government, arguing this desire with economic circumstances. In addition, she accused the authorities of corruption and the total surrender of Ukraine's national interests when signing a memorandum with the IMF, which the country's leadership never presented to the public.
Donald Trump and Yulia Tymoshenko Tymoshenko's position in the political arena can be strengthened, because her trip to the United States, as well as a conversation with the President of America, further reduced the confidence in Poroshenko and Groysman from foreign partners. Such a meeting of the leader of the Ukrainian opposition suggests that "Lady Yu" can get the support of the White House administration.
Personal life
Ukrainian society has always been interested in knowing about the men of Yulia Tymoshenko, but all her life there was only one lover next to “Lady Yu”. Even in her student years, she married Alexander Timoshenko, with whom the ascent to the heights of power began. In 1980, a young couple had a daughter, Eugene.
Later, the girl was married to British rocker Seann Carr. The high-profile wedding impressed Evgenia's compatriots, but the marriage lasted only 8 years, without giving the spouses children. After the divorce, Tymoshenko Jr. became the wife of a businessman from Ukraine, Artur Chechetkin. The couple had a long-awaited daughter.
In the family of the former Prime Minister of Ukraine, the roles were distributed according to vocation: the husband was engaged in business, and the charismatic wife devoted herself to politics. After the "gas scandal", Tymoshenko's husband also came under criminal prosecution, as a result of which he was forced to seek political asylum in the Czech Republic.
In addition to Tymoshenko's politics and personal life, the attention of the electorate is paid to appearance"Icons of the Orange Revolution". Yulia Vladimirovna’s wardrobe and hairstyle are not discussed only by the lazy, but she herself throws up topics for conversation. For example, elegant outfits that fit like a glove on her figure (politician's height is 163 cm, weight - no more than 70 kg).
The favorite feature of the most influential woman in Ukraine has always been a business suit in pastel colors and a tightly braided braid around her head, which she demonstrates in many photos in
Born November 27, 1960 in Dnepropetrovsk, Ukrainian. Maiden name Grigyan (father - Latvian Vladimir Abramovich Grigyanis received the Armenian surname Grigyan as a result of an error in the passport office; mother - Ukrainian Lyudmila Nikoaevna Telegina); native language is Russian. She was raised by her mother, without a father.
At the age of 19, she married 18-year-old Alexander Timoshenko, the son of a party functionary at the district level (the last Soviet position of Gennady Afanasyevich Timoshenko in 1991 was the chairman of the Kirovsky district executive committee of Dnepropetrovsk).
In 1984 she graduated with honors from Dnepropetrovsk State University with a degree in economic cybernetics.
From 1984 to 1989 she worked as an engineer-economist at the Dnepropetrovsk machine-building plant named after Lenin.
In 1989-91. - commercial director of the youth center "Terminal", engaged in show business.
In 1990-91, she moved from show business to trading in Russian oil products - through the Russian Commodity and Raw Materials Exchange (RTSB) by Konstantin Borovoy. ("Then there was still a subscription and no one believed that it would be such a grandiose exchange, then the place was inexpensive and we could afford it. And we bought it").
Together with her father-in-law, the chairman of the Kirovsky district executive committee of Dnepropetrovsk, G. Timoshenko, and her husband, she organized the Soviet-Cypriot joint venture Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation (JV KUB), becoming its commercial director on May 3, 1991, and then in the same year as the general director (she occupied this position until 1995). The co-owners of KUB, along with Y. Timoshenko, her husband and father-in-law, were Alexander Gravets (vice-president of the corporation, founder of Bosphorus LLC, Transport Corporation LLC).
In 1992-93's. KUB Yu.Tymoshenko, together with Victor Pinchuk's company "Interpipe" (production of pipes) formed the corporation "Sodruzhestvo", which was engaged in the supply of Turkmen and Russian gas.
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Yu. Tymoshenko's commercial structures enjoyed the patronage of the then head of the Dnepropetrovsk region Pavel Lazarenko (presidential representative in the region, then head of the regional state administration and chairman of the regional Council).
Viktor Baloga and Yulia Timoshenko. Photo by Maria Masich, Kievgrad.
Established ties with the authorities of Bashkiria ("... we combined the interests of Bashkiria, our personal interests and the interests of Ukrainian pipe plants and tried to create a system out of this").
After V. Pinchuk's withdrawal from the Sodruzhestvo corporation, the corporation was renamed into CJSC Industrial and Financial Corporation (PFC) "United Energy Systems of Ukraine" (UESU), recognized as the legal successor of KUB (in order to maintain the tax benefits of the joint venture). One of the founders of CJSC PFC "UESU" was A. Gravets. The corporation was under the auspices of P. Lazarenko.
From November 3, 1995 to January 1997 - President of CJSC Industrial and Financial Corporation (PFC) "UESU". The turnover of the corporation in 1996 was 4 billion US dollars (the share in Ukrainian exports was 7%, the share in exports from the Russian Federation was 14%). During the premiership of P. Lazarenko (1996-97), CJSC PFC UESU successfully used interest-free lending schemes for the concern by state-owned enterprises, and was engaged in unauthorized re-export of Russian gas. In 1997, a quarter of the entire economy of Ukraine was under the control of Yu. Tymoshenko's corporation.
She was friends with the German Ruhrgas. In Russia, she was associated with Gazprom and the IEC Itera. It enjoyed the support of Rem Vyakhirev and Viktor Chernomyrdin (Gazprom suffered losses from Ukrainian gas supply and transit schemes, which cannot be said about Itera).
After the split of the Dnepropetrovsk administrative and economic clan into a "family" (V. Pinchuk, Leonid Derkach, Sergey Tigipko) and "Lazarenko" teams, P. Lazarenko remained loyal.
In December 1996, at the by-elections, she was elected a people's deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the XIII convocation in the Bobrynets constituency N229 of the Kirovograd region, receiving 91.3% of the vote. (The mandate from the district became vacant in connection with the appointment in July 1995 of Deputy Vasily Durdinets as Deputy Prime Minister).
After the resignation of P. Lazarenko from the post of prime minister, she joined the All-Ukrainian Association "Hromada" (created in Dnepropetrovsk in December 1994 by Oleksandr Turchynov with the support of P. Lazarenko). Participated in the holding in September 1997 of the III Congress of the "Hromada" association, at which P. Lazarenko was elected chairman of the association. At the IV Congress of the Association "Hromada" in October 1997, she entered the "shadow" Cabinet of Ministers of the "Hromada" as the head of the cabinet.
From 1997 to 1999 - 1st Deputy Chairman of the Council of the All-Ukrainian Association "Hromada".
She sharply criticized the policies of President Leonid Kuchma and Prime Minister Valery Pustovoitenko (People's Democratic Party).
On March 29, 1998, she was elected from Hromada to the new Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the majority constituency N99 (Kirovograd region), receiving 38.51% of the vote. At the same time, she ran on the party list (N8 in the "Communities" list).
From July 1998 to 2002 - Head of the Budget Committee of the Verkhovna Rada.
In December 1998, the leader of the Gromada party, P. Lazarenko, was arrested in Geneva (on December 18, he was released from prison on bail of 4 million Swiss francs - about $3 million). In early 1999, a criminal case was initiated against P. Lazarenko, deprived of his parliamentary mandate, and he fled to the United States, where he was arrested. Y. Tymoshenko and A. Turchinov resigned as deputy chairmen of the Gromada party and left the party, splitting from the Hromada deputy group Batkivshchyna (Fatherland), which in March 1999 was headed by Y. Tymoshenko.
In the autumn 1999 presidential elections, Yulia Tymoshenko supported Yevgeny Marchuk in the first round.
After the elections, with the mediation of the Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Alexander Razumkov and the adviser to President Leonid Kuchma Alexander Volkov, the Batkivshchyna party established ties with President Leonid Kuchma. In December 1999, Tymoshenko joined the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine headed by Viktor Yushchenko as Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers (First Deputy - Yuriy Yekhanurov).
As vice-premier, with the support of V. Yushchenko, she pursued a policy that was contrary to the interests of the nomenklatura-bureaucratic and "new-Ukrainian" (so-called "oligarchic") clans and groups close to the president - "pipe", or "family" (son-in-law L. Kuchma V. Pinchuk, L. Derkach), Donetsk (Mykola Azarov, Viktor Yanukovych), Kiev oil and gas and financial clan of Hryhoriy Surkis-Viktor Medvedchuk, as well as A. Volkov-Igor Bakai's grouping.
The privatization of three oblenergos was carried out for real money (unlike the previous seven, which G. Surkis got cheaply).
She accused the Naftogaz of Ukraine National Joint-Stock Corporation (Chairman I. Bakai) of stealing Russian gas and concealing real debts to Russia, naming the amount of 2.8 billion dollars (more than Russia itself demanded), while I. Bakai recognized only 900 million dollars.
In March 2000, the chairman of the National Joint-Stock Corporation Naftogaz of Ukraine, I. Bakai, was forced to resign from his post, and in May, from his post, acting. Chairman, the closest employee of I. Bakai, Igor Didenko, was fired.
In May 2000, at the insistence of Y. Tymoshenko, Minister of Fuel and Energy Sergei Tulub (Donetsk clan) was dismissed. In June 2000, due to disagreements with Y. Tymoshenko, Minister of Economy S. Tigipko (the Dnepropetrovsk "family" group of V. Pinchuk-L. Derkach) resigned.
Supported V. Yushchenko in his struggle for the withdrawal of the tax service of the administration (headed by N. Azarov) from direct subordination to the president and resubordination to the prime minister.
In June 2000, at the insistence of Yu. Tymoshenko, BP adopted a new law introduced by the government of V. Yushchenko, regulating the activities of energy distribution enterprises (banning barter and bill transactions in the Ukrainian energy sector, depriving the owners of oblenergos of excess profits). In July 2000, the budget received 6 times more funds from electricity distribution companies than in April. This allowed the government of V. Yushchenko to pay off debts to pensioners, students, employees of budgetary enterprises.
She believes that in the president's decision to expel her from the government, there were intrigues of the Donetsk clan, supported by Medvedchuk and Pinchuk ("the last straw was the complaints of Donetsk residents ... And Medvedchuk and Pinchuk, as already victims, together with the president developed such a stupid win-win scheme: to involve the prosecutor's office, quickly, efficiently work on this and remove me from the government as a deeply compromised criminal entrepreneur, not an official").
On August 18, 2000, her husband A. Timoshenko (member of the board of the UESU) and childhood friend Valery Falkovich (first vice-president of the UESU) were arrested.
In the fall of 2000, the Batkivshchyna faction in the Verkhovna Rada took an anti-presidential stance on the Gongadze case.
On January 5, 2001, the prosecutor's office opened 2 criminal cases against Tymoshenko, and on January 19, on the proposal of Prosecutor General Mikhail Potebenko, the president signed a decree on her resignation.
Deputy Prosecutor General of Ukraine Mykola Obikhod stated that in 1995-97 FPC UESU "illegally exported capital worth 1 billion 100 million dollars from Ukraine.
In February 2001, Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna party joined the anti-Kuchma National Salvation Forum (FNS).
February 13, 2001 Yulia Tymoshenko was arrested in connection with a number of criminal charges, incl. in the transfer of bribes to the Swiss accounts of P. Lazarenko (when he was prime minister) in the amount of 79 million 600 thousand dollars, as well as smuggling gas supplies in 1996-97.
At the same time, Tymoshenko was connected with the Russian financial scandal in the Ministry of Defense, the main person involved in which was Colonel-General Georgy Oleinik (dismissed in 2000 from the post of head of the main finance department of the Defense Ministry).
After a month and a half of being in prison, Y. Tymoshenko was released on March 27, 2001 by the decision of the Pechersky District Court of Kiev on a written undertaking not to leave and was taken from the pre-trial detention center to the hospital.
She demanded the resignation of L. Kuchma and did not rule out that she would fight for the presidency.
An emergency meeting of the Kiev City Court considered the protest of the Prosecutor General's Office and decided to return her to custody. Premier of the Cabinet of Ministers V. Yushchenko, who intended to meet Yu. Tymoshenko in the hospital, called her arrest "a show of force" instead of negotiating with the opposition.
According to the opposition, the board's decision was prepared directly by Vice Speaker V. Medvedchuk and Deputy Prosecutor General N. Obikhod on the personal instructions of L. Kuchma (Vremya Novostei, April 2, 2001).
Tymoshenko's lawyers appealed this decision to the Supreme Court of Ukraine. In early April 2001, Chairman of the Supreme Court Vitaliy Boyko reversed the decision to re-arrest. After leaving the prison, Yulia Tymoshenko accused the jailers of trying to poison her.
She reiterated her intention to run for president in early elections - or to support another strong opposition candidate ("... if I see a real leader in Ukraine who is ready to give his life for the country[...], then I am ready to join his campaign headquarters do laundry. But I don't see that team yet. I want to form one first."
Immediately after voting in the Verkhovna Rada on April 26, 2001 on no confidence in V. Yushchenko's cabinet, she announced that she would support his candidacy in the presidential elections and created an initiative group for a referendum on the voluntary resignation of L. Kuchma. (referendum question formulated with the help of lawyers: "Do you think that Leonid Kuchma, for the destruction of the rights and freedoms of the Ukrainian people, in accordance with the principles of the rule of law, should announce his resignation in accordance with Articles 108, 109 of the Constitution of Ukraine"). The initiative group included representatives of 50 parties and organizations, incl. "Fatherland", the Socialist Party, the party "Sobor" Anatoly Matvienko, part of the committee "For the Truth" (Oles Doniy, Grigory Omelchenko). The referendum was not allowed.
In July 2001, the National Salvation Forum (FNS) pre-election bloc was formed, headed by Yulia Tymoshenko, which included 7 parties: Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna, Anatoly Matvienko's Cathedral, Olesya Sergienko's Ukrainian Christian Democratic Party (UHDP) , Ukrainian Republican Party (URP) Levko Lukyanenko, Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party (UKRP) Stepan Khmara, Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP) Vasily Onopenko, Patriotic Party of Ukraine (PPU) Mykola Gaber.
Then the bloc was renamed the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT), it also included the Ukrainian National Conservative Party (UNCP) of Oleg Soskin.
At the end of January 2002, the Prosecutor General again issued a warrant for her arrest and extended her recognizance not to leave (previously canceled by the court).
January 29, heading in his "Mercedes" to the meeting of the Court of Appeal, got into a car accident with "Zhiguli", was hospitalized.
In the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of the IV convocation on March 31, 2002, the BYuT received 7.26% of the vote and 22 seats in the Verkhovna Rada.
Since May 15, 2002 - one of the 5 authorized representatives of the BYuT faction (along with Anatoly Matvienko, Vasily Onopenko, Alexander Turchinov and Oleg Bilorus).
On August 22, 2002, Prosecutor General Stanislav Piskun said that Yulia Tymoshenko had robbed Ukraine of $2 billion. The Prosecutor General's Office requested the consent of the Verkhovna Rada to bring Y. Tymoshenko to justice on charges of embezzlement on an especially large scale and abuse of office.
In March 2003, Yu. Tymoshenko's faction in the Verkhovna Rada, together with the communists and socialists, voted against the approval of L. Kuchma's decision to send a Ukrainian chemical defense battalion under American command in Kuwait (the factions of the Kuchma majority and "Our Ukraine" V. Yushchenko voted for approval) .
On May 13, 2003, the Kyiv Court of Appeal closed all criminal cases against her, her husband, and four other former leaders of the UESU. However, on June 10, 2003, Prosecutor General S. Piskun resumed consideration of the UESU criminal cases. On June 17, 2003, Yulia Tymoshenko, in her speech in the Rada, accused S. Piskun of involvement in the drug business, demanding that the head of the Security Service, Volodymyr Radchenko, be heard in parliament about the criminal case on the seizure of a large consignment of drugs.
On July 2, 2004, the BYuT concluded an agreement with Our Ukraine V. Yushchenko on the creation of the Power of the People bloc, according to which Yu. Tymoshenko supported Yushchenko's candidacy for the presidency of Ukraine, and V. Yushchenko, in turn, pledged to in the elections to propose Tymoshenko's candidacy for the post of head of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine.
In 2004-2005 was the first deputy head, co-chair and member of the Coordinating Committee of the Power of the People coalition. In the summer of 2004, she became a member of the National Salvation Committee (KNS). She was one of the leaders of the revolutionary "Maidan" in November-December 2004.
On January 24, 2005, by decree of the new President of Ukraine, V. Yushchenko, she was appointed acting. prime minister of Ukraine.
On February 4, 2005, the Verkhovna Rada approved Tymoshenko as the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine: 373 votes "for" and not a single "against" of the 425 present (the Communist faction did not take part in the voting, three Communists who voted for approval were on the same day excluded from the faction). On the same day Tymoshenko was appointed Prime Minister of Ukraine by the Decree of the President of Ukraine. Immediately after being elected prime minister, she resigned her deputy powers in the session hall of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
In April 2005, the Pechersk Court of Kyiv declared Yu. Tymoshenko's dismissal from the post of Deputy Prime Minister in January 2001 illegal.
As head of government, she insisted on revising the results of the Kuchma privatization of several hundred enterprises, while President V. Yushchenko and his inner circle (many of whom successfully participated in privatization under Kuchma) intended to limit themselves to five or six largest enterprises.
Frozen gasoline prices.
In May 2005, in the office of the Carnegie Moscow Center, while discussing the report of economist Anders Aslund on the economic situation in Ukraine, Boris Nemtsov, a freelance adviser to Viktor Yushchenko, said that he considered Yu. Tymoshenko "the most real and concrete enemy of Ukrainian statehood," will ruin Ukraine" and accused her of "inciting the hatred of the inhabitants for the small oligarchs on the ground" ("Look at the growth of her rating in the East of Ukraine. She is popular there. Why? Because she appeals to the poor, who traditionally hate the rich" ... "according to Ukrainian sociological services, 75% of citizens are filled with class hatred").
On July 12, 2005, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that Oleksandr Baranivsky, head of the Ministry of Agrarian Industry of Ukraine (representative of the Socialist Party in the Cabinet), must either agree to preferential imports of sugar to Ukraine, or resign (thus supporting the position of the head of the Ministry of Economy, Sergey Terekhin - the Reform and Order party ").
In July 2005, President V. Yushchenko ordered that the words "in connection with bringing Vice Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko to criminal liability and the decision of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine dated January 15, 2001, in accordance with which she is removed from positions."
On July 13, 2005, at a government meeting, Tymoshenko read out a government statement in which she accused the Verkhovna Rada of blocking laws that the state needed. On July 16, Tymoshenko accused the leadership of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and in particular, its head Volodymyr Lytvyn, of a policy of "double standards" in relation to the government's legislative initiatives. bury government initiatives."
In late August-early September 2005, the "orange coalition" split. On September 1, 2005, on the air of Channel 5, adviser to the Prime Minister of Ukraine Mikhail Brodsky announced his decision to resign, accusing the godfather of the president, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Petro Poroshenko, First Aide to the President Alexander Tretyakov, Minister of Transport Yevgeny Chervonenko and freelance adviser to the President Mikhail Doroshenko of corruption .
On September 3, the Secretary of State of Ukraine Oleksandr Zinchenko resigned, accusing the same P. Poroshenko and A. Tretyakov of corruption, as well as the leader of the Our Ukraine faction Mykola Martynenko.
Following Brodsky and Zinchenko, Deputy Prime Minister Nikolai Tomenko, who also resigned, made similar accusations (“... an environment of total corruption has developed around the president.” “I understood that some steal, while others resign. I don’t want to bear general responsibility for the people who created the system of corruption and cover it up with Maidan installations." "... there are two governments in Ukraine - the Poroshenko government, which contradicts the Constitution and the "revolutionary Maidan" installations, and the Timoshenko government. ""The government's attempts to inform the president and to create a normal communication system, to bring objective information about the state of affairs to him, ended with Alexander Tretyakov informing the government that if we want to meet with the president, then we must negotiate with him").
Yulia Tymoshenko actually sided with Brodsky, Zinchenko and Tomenko.
On September 8, 2005, President Yushchenko signed a decree on the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine headed by Yulia Tymoshenko, appointing on the same day the day of acting. Prime Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine Y. Yekhanurov and instructing him to form a new government.
On December 24, 2005, speaking at a press conference in Zaporozhye, she stated that the reason for the problem with gas supply was the signing of an agreement in 2004, according to the terms of which, for five years, on account of Ukraine's previously accumulated debts for gas from volumes intended for Ukraine, Every year 5 billion cubic meters of natural gas is allocated to the RosUkrEnergo commercial structure at a price of $50 per thousand cubic meters. "The solution is very simple: this document, which was signed in respect of 5 billion cubic meters of gas, contradicts the ratified agreement between Ukraine and Russia. Since the international ratified agreement has the status of a law, this means that the law has been violated - that is, or problems to cancel this agreement as illegal".
On December 26, 2005, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation closed the criminal case against Yulia Timoshenko due to the expiration of the statute of limitations. As stated in the message, the case was dismissed on the basis of Art. 24 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of Russia in connection with "the expiration of the statute of limitations for criminal prosecution." At the same time, the chief military prosecutor of the Russian Federation, Alexander Savenkov, said that the criminal prosecution of Tymoshenko was terminated for reasons that do not imply rehabilitation (“In the case of Tymoshenko, there is her written consent to the termination of the criminal case due to the expiration of the statute of limitations, which is not a rehabilitating ground. . .. under Russian law, Tymoshenko was recognized as the person who committed the crime."
In December 2005, she headed the list of candidates for the Yulia Tomoshenko Bloc (BYuT) in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of the 5th convocation on March 26, 2006.
On March 26, 2006, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc won 22.29 percent of the vote in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada, taking second place and receiving 129 out of 450 seats (the Party of Regions of Yanukovych won the election, winning 32.14 percent of the vote and receiving 186 seats in the Verkhovna Rada). Rade: BYuT, Our Ukraine (13.95 percent and 81 seats) and the Socialist Party (5.69 percent and 33 seats) reached an agreement to form a coalition in the new parliament.
Shortly after the announcement of the election results, Tymoshenko said that she considered it reasonable for herself to apply for the post of prime minister from the democratic coalition. In July 2006, in response to an ultimatum from the Party of Regions, BYuT, Our Ukraine and the Socialist Party declared their right to independently elect the leadership of the parliament and form a new government, but they did not use it, although by the end of June they managed to form an "orange" coalition : the leader of the socialists Oleksandr Moroz, contrary to agreements with partners, put forward his candidacy for the post of chairman of the Verkhovna Rada and, with the support of the "regionals", became the speaker of the Ukrainian parliament. As a result, a new coalition was created with the participation of the Party of Regions, the Socialist Party and the Communist Party, and the "orange" coalition collapsed. In August 2006, Tymoshenko refused to sign the text of the Universal of National Unity, worked out as a result of lengthy consultations between the president and the leaders of parliamentary factions. She stressed that the BYuT "will call this document an act of political capitulation of the orange camp." The document determined that the issue of Ukraine's accession to NATO would be decided at a national referendum, provided for the use of the Ukrainian language as the state language, and at the same time guaranteed the citizens of Ukraine the free use of Russian or other languages in accordance with the constitution and the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages. Based on the Universal, Our Ukraine and the Party of Regions created a coalition of national unity, after which it became possible to elect the country's prime minister, and Yushchenko proposed Yanukovych's candidacy to parliament. The Verkhovna Rada confirmed the powers of Yanukovych. On February 2, 2007, the law "On the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine", contrary to the presidential veto, was published and entered into force. In response, Yushchenko accused Yanukovych of violating the provisions of the Universal of National Unity and appealed to the Constitutional Court with a request about the legitimacy of this law. After that, the president began negotiations with the leaders of all factions of the Ukrainian parliament, including Tymoshenko. According to press reports, he managed to conclude an agreement with her: Yushchenko puts his signature under the draft law "On an imperative mandate", and in exchange Tymoshenko undertakes not to support the initiatives of the parliamentary majority on a number of important legislative initiatives, including those on the foundations of foreign and domestic policy and on presidential powers. The socialists and "regionals" regarded this as an attempt to break up the anti-crisis coalition. On March 22-23, 2007, five deputies from the Tymoshenko faction and six deputies from the Our Ukraine faction joined the ruling coalition. A week later, the coalition increased to 260 deputies. On May 26, 2007, Yushchenko, Moroz and Yanukovych reached an agreement that early parliamentary elections would be held on September 30, 2007, and on July 31, by presidential decree, the final date for the start of the campaign for early parliamentary elections was approved - August 2, 2007,.
On September 30, 2007 parliamentary elections were held (they were published on October 27, 2007). Yanukovych's Party of Regions received 34.37 percent of the vote in the elections and won first place among the five blocs and parties that entered parliament. BYuT with a score of 30.71 percent of the vote (156 seats) took second place, and Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense bloc came third with a score of 14.15 percent (72 seats). Despite the formal victory of the Party of Regions, it and its potential allies (the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Lytvyn Bloc) lacked several deputy mandates to form a parliamentary majority. After the publication of the first results of the elections, it was announced the formation of a coalition of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense bloc. On November 29, 2007, the democratic coalition of the NU-NS and BYuT was officially created. On December 4, 2007, members of the BYuT and NU-NS factions at a joint meeting nominated Tymoshenko as a candidate for the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine. The coalition named Foreign Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk as a candidate for the post of head of the Verkhovna Rada. On December 6, 2007, Yushchenko nominated Tymoshenko for the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine. As a result of voting on the candidacy of Tymoshenko, which took place on December 11, 2007, she failed to take the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine - she lacked only one vote to win. Tymoshenko was supported twice by 225 deputies, while 226 votes were needed to approve her candidacy. The very next day, Yushchenko again submitted to the Verkhovna Rada a proposal to appoint the leader of the BYuT to the post of head of the government of Ukraine. On December 18, 2007, Tymoshenko was elected prime minister (her candidacy was supported by 156 deputies of the BYuT faction and 70 deputies of the Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense faction). The voting was carried out not by using the electronic system "Rada", but by a show of hands. On the same day, the Verkhovna Rada approved the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine proposed by Tymoshenko.
Yulia Tymoshenko's nicknames: "Lady Yu", "gas princess", "iron lady", "the only man in Ukrainian politics".
Since 1979, she has been married to Alexander Timoshenko (artist, rugby player, businessman, board member of the UESU).
Daughter Evgenia, born in 1980, since March 17, 2000 - Member of the Supervisory Board of the Dnepropetrovsk Metallurgical Plant named after. Comintern. She studied at the London School of Economics and then at the London Academy of Economics. In 2005, she married Sean Carr, owner of the Heel and Key bar in Leeds and leader of the Death Valley Screamers.
As soon as they don’t call the former Prime Minister of Ukraine: “Princess of the gas pipe”, “Lady Yu”, “Lady with a scythe”. All these definitions refer to one of the most infamous personalities - Yulia Tymoshenko. In her youth, she began to do business and even opened an oil refinery, but in 1996 the already overgrown oil corporation began to experience financial difficulties, which was the impetus for Tymoshenko to enter big politics.
Childhood and youth
There are many interesting facts biography of Yulia Timoshenko. From birth, she lived in Dnepropetrovsk, since her parents are the natives of this city. Julia was born on November 27, 1960. The girl was not yet four years old when her parents broke up, so only her mother, who at that time worked as a dispatcher in a taxi depot, was engaged in raising her daughter.
Yulia's father is Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan. He, like Timoshenko's mother, Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina, was a native of Dnepropetrovsk. He was born in 1937 in the family of Maria Iosifovna Grigyan and her husband Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman. During the Great Patriotic War, Lady Yu's grandfather was called to the front, where he died.
The family did not live well, there was a constant lack of money. But Yulia's mother compensated for this with her exorbitant love and care, thanks to which she and her daughter developed friendly and trusting relations.
In the biography of Tymoshenko, quite a lot remains unclear. This also applies to the question of its origin, as well as nationality. On the paternal side, all relatives are Latvians, and on the maternal side, all Ukrainians. According to some researchers, there were Jews in the family of the "gas princess". Timoshenko's real name is Kapitelman, but she carefully hides this.
Yulia Timoshenko (maiden name Grigyan) graduated from high school in 1977. According to the teachers, the girl did not show much interest in knowledge, but she studied without triples, although she was not an excellent student. She enthusiastically went in for rhythmic gymnastics, so many, including her parents, were sure that Yulia would make a dizzying career in sports. Shortly before graduation, the girl decided to change her last name and became Yulia Telegina, which is indicated in her graduation documents.
She entered the Mining University, but already from the first year she was expelled for poor progress. The following year, the girl decided to change her specialty and became a student at the Faculty of Economics at Dnepropetrovsk University. Julia studied hard and in 1984 she graduated from the university with honors. After 15 years (1999) she defended her thesis, receiving a Ph.D. in economics.
Family life
While still a student, Julia got married. Her husband was Alexander Timoshenko, whom she met by chance: the guy had the wrong number and called her. The young man was so fascinated by the voice of the girl who answered that he immediately had a desire to get to know her. In 1979 they got married, and in 1980 their daughter Eugene was born.
Now Tymoshenko's daughter got married for the second time. Her chosen one was a businessman from Odessa Arthur Chechetkin. For a long time, Evgenia could not get pregnant and was even treated for women's diseases in Israel. But at the age of 36, she finally became a mother.
Zhenya's second marriage turned out to be much more successful, and entire pages were devoted to the discussion of the wedding banquet. Social networks Instagram and Facebook did not stand aside, where many photos of a happy married couple appeared.
Businesswoman
The career of the future Prime Minister of Ukraine began in 1984, at that time the woman worked at a machine-building enterprise in Dnepropetrovsk, holding the position of an engineer-economist.
With the beginning of perestroika, when the country actively entered into market relations, The couple decided to start their own business. Having collected start-up capital (5 thousand rubles), in which Gennady Timoshenko, Alexander's father, helped them significantly, the young people opened a video rental point.
Having received the first profit, Alexander and Yulia created the youth association "Terminal", whose activities were related to the processing of petroleum products. Gennady's investments, as well as the determination of young people, their desire to work and earn money, helped the family overcome the economic crisis of the 90s and escape from devastation.
Five years later, a small oil refinery was transformed into a solid financial and industrial company that specialized in barter transactions. It brought an incredible income (about $ 10 million) and was very popular.
At that time, the Ukrainian-British corporation UESU, headed by Tymoshenko, had a monopoly on the supply of gas from Russia to Ukraine. According to some reports, Lady Yu controlled about 30% of the country's economy. But in 1996, the company started having problems in terms of finances, which forced its leader to radically change the field of activity and become a politician.
Political career
In 1997, Tymoshenko ceased her activities in the United Energy Forces of Ukraine corporation and took part in the elections of people's deputies in the city of Bobrynets (Kirovograd region). The woman received about 90% of the votes and became a deputy, joining the Gromada party association. She immediately occupied a leading position in the party and became right hand its leader, Pavel Lazarenko, who was later convicted in the United States for corruption.
Main events
In 1999, Tymoshenko became the leader of the Batkivshchyna party, which she herself founded. Activities in this political association allowed her to break into the government of the Verkhovna Rada.
At the beginning of a new century (2000) difficult times have come for the Tymoshenko family. Alexander, who at that time was part of the leadership of the UESU, was taken into custody on charges of illegally transporting goods abroad. Literally a week later, Yulia also ended up in prison. The exact reason for her imprisonment is unknown, but she spent about a month behind bars.
After her release, the leader of the Batkivshchyna party completely immersed herself in politics and spent all her strength on the fight against Leonid Kuchma, who was her opponent. After a while, the woman headed the National Salvation Forum. This organization included several opposition parties, later it became known as the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.
Yulia Vladimirovna continued to gain popularity among the population and until 2005 led the movement "Ukraine without Kuchma". In 2004, between her and Viktor Yushchenko, an agreement was signed to support the latter in the presidential elections in Ukraine. Tymoshenko saw her benefit from this in the possibility of obtaining a leadership position under the new government.
At the first stage of the elections, Yushchenko failed to win, which prompted Yulia to take active steps: she called on all supporters to gather in Kyiv on the Maidan in order to protect their interests. The protest was called the Orange Revolution.
After the Maidan, Viktor Yushchenko nevertheless won the election, after which Tymoshenko took the post of prime minister, receiving a majority of votes (375 out of a possible 450). This news made Lady Yu's supporters very happy, but already in the first months of her premiership, she did not show her best side, as a result of which the attitude of many businessmen and politicians towards her became extremely negative. The post of interior minister was offered to Yevgeny Chervonenko, head of security, but he refused.
In September 2005, an internal conflict occurred between the branches of government, which served as the basis for the resignation of the Tymoshenko government. This state of affairs caused a mixed reaction in the political environment of Ukraine, but this did not affect Tymoshenko's reputation in any way. Her position in the political arena only strengthened, and Forbes magazine, published in the United States, included Lady Yu among the most influential women in the world.
In 2006, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc won more than 22% of the vote in the parliamentary elections, which allowed it to take the lead, overtaking the Party of Regions. BYuT occupied the bulk of the seats in the Verkhovna Rada and provided an influx of fresh personnel. The "Orange Coalition" received the majority of ministerial portfolios, and Tymoshenko gained the status of the main opposition figure in the country.
In the early elections of 2007, the BYuT further strengthened its position, which allowed its leader to once again become the Prime Minister of Ukraine. It was a difficult time for the country, a large-scale crisis was raging in the world, but Yulia Vladimirovna was able to prevent major economic disasters that threatened Ukraine. Thanks to her deliberate actions, it was possible to avoid delays in the payment of pensions and wages to state employees, support the mining and metallurgical industry and production, and prevent default and growth in utility tariffs.
Elections for the presidency
Although Yulia lost to Viktor Yanukovych in the 2010 elections, she did not give up hope of becoming head of state and in 2019 she again began to run for president.
By this time, she had accumulated enough strength to fight her competitors - Zelensky and Poroshenko. In addition, the rating of the latter has fallen sharply due to the war in the Donbass. The election program of Yulia Vladimirovna included the following items:
- creation of a project on changing the gas supply of the population at the legislative level;
- stabilization of prices for utilities and a ban on their increase;
- cessation of hostilities in the South-East of Ukraine;
- settlement of political differences.
According to experts, Lady Yu's attitude towards Russia and Putin is extremely negative. Her plans do not include improving the situation in the country by complying with the Minsk agreements. She is sure that only the United States and Great Britain can help Ukraine in this situation.
Titles and awards
The deputy of the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada, Yulia Tymoshenko, has repeatedly been awarded various distinctions during her political career. Among them are the following:
- "Honorary Power Engineer of Ukraine";
- Order of the Libyan Revolution;
- medal "Miner's Glory" and others.
Criminal prosecution
In the life of Yulia Tymoshenko (Yulia Tymoshenko) there were many ups and downs. She was in prison several times, including for money fraud. The loudest case was the withdrawal of 100 million hryvnia from the state budget by the Tymoshenko government in 2010. Then the ministers and other dignitaries got into the colony.
In 2011, the "gas princess" was charged with abuse of power. She was sentenced to seven years in prison. In addition, Yulia throughout three years it was impossible to hold any post in parliament.
Films about Lady Yu
The first female prime minister has always been the center of attention of the paparazzi. Her photos were often printed on the pages of central newspapers, she appeared on TV screens, and not always dressed (in a bathing suit). Two films were even made about such an outstanding personality:
- Short film subsequently shown to Alliance delegates (2011).
- "Julia" is a documentary film that tells about the life of the "gas princess", her family, daughter, as well as her activities in the political sphere.
Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko is one of the most prominent figures of our era, who managed to break into the highest echelons of power thanks to her strong character, perseverance and determination. There were many obstacles in her political career, but she always went ahead and led others. At one time, as prime minister, Tymoshenko saved Ukraine from an impending economic crisis by preserving the mining and metallurgical industry and production. In addition, this is the only woman in the territory of the republics of the former Soviet Union who held the post of prime minister.
Yulia Vladimirovna Tymoshenko is the first female prime minister in the history of Ukraine, as well as the first woman to hold this post in the CIS countries. He remains one of the most influential politicians in Ukraine. She became a presidential candidate in the 2019 elections, but unexpectedly lost her rating in recent months and failed to make it to the second round, letting showman Vladimir Zelensky and President Poroshenko go ahead.
Family of Yulia Tymoshenko
Yulia Tymoshenko was born on November 27, 1960 in Dnepropetrovsk, where her parents were also natives. Timoshenko's mother is Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina (b. 1937, Dnepropetrovsk). Timoshenko's father is Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan (born Dnepropetrovsk in 1937). Left the family when Yulia was two years old.
Grandmother - Grigyan Maria Iosifovna (b. 1909). Grandfather - Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman (b. 1914), died at the front on November 8, 1944 in the rank of senior lieutenant of the communications troops.
According to Tymoshenko herself, in her family, on the father's side, all Latvians up to the tenth generation, and on the mother's side, Ukrainians. Great-grandfather Iosif Iosifovich Grigyan, according to Yulia, was actually Grigyanis.
It should be noted that the Wikipedia article is silent about Tymoshenko's mother and her Ukrainian ancestors, and there is almost no information about this in open sources, conflicting information on the network and about the ethnic origin of her father. There are disputes about who is Yulia Tymoshenko by nationality.
Youth, education of Yulia Tymoshenko
In 1977, Yulia Timoshenko graduated from high school No. 75 in Dnepropetrovsk. Yulia Tymoshenko's mother worked as a dispatcher in a taxi depot. As Yulia Vladimirovna recalls, they lived modestly, in conditions of austerity.
Julia was friends mainly with boys. Yulia Grigyan was bored with the girls. She didn't play with dolls. I studied at school without triples. Julia was fond of rhythmic gymnastics.
After school, Yulia Vladimirovna entered the Dnepropetrovsk State University, the Faculty of Economics, choosing the specialty "economic cybernetics", and in 1984 she graduated with a diploma with honors, specializing in engineer-economist.
In 1999, Tymoshenko, already a business woman and politician, defended her Ph.D. thesis at the Kiev National Economic University on the topic “State regulation of the tax system”. Received a PhD in Economics.
Big business and Yulia Tymoshenko
After graduating from the university, Yulia Timoshenko worked as an engineer-economist at the Dnepropetrovsk Machine-Building Plant (1984-1988).
Yulia Timoshenko got married while still studying at the university. Her version of meeting her future husband Alexander Timoshenko is very romantic. Once Alexander called her by accident - just the wrong number. He liked the voice of the girl who answered, and they began to meet. And in 1979, a young couple celebrated their wedding. In 1980, Julia and Alexander had a daughter, Eugene.
With perestroika, Yulia Vladimirovna began her successful march along the difficult roads of business. In 1988, Yulia and Alexander Timoshenko opened their own business - a "video rental point" - with the help of her husband's father, Gennady Timoshenko, who headed the "film distribution department" in the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Council. In 1989, Yulia and Alexander, with the support of the Dnepropetrovsk regional committee of the Komsomol, created the youth center "Terminal". Yulia Timoshenko became its commercial director (1989-1991).
In 1991 Yu.V. Tymoshenko established, together with her husband, the Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation. Since that year, Yulia Vladimirovna has been commercial, then the general director of the Ukrainian Gasoline Corporation JV (KUB). In 1995-1996, she headed the United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) corporation created on the basis of the KUB.
The company earned huge money on barter deals - it sold the products of Ukrainian enterprises (mainly to Russia) in exchange for energy resources.
Political career of Yulia Tymoshenko
In early 1997, Yulia Tymoshenko, as president of the UESU, according to various estimates, controlled up to 25% of the Ukrainian economy.
In the same year, Tymoshenko decided to go into politics and put forward her candidacy in the by-elections in the Bobrinet majoritarian constituency No. 229 of the Kirovograd region. Yulia Vladimirovna showed one of the best results - 92.3% of the vote. In January 1997, Yulia Tymoshenko received a deputy mandate.
In parliament Yu.V. Tymoshenko joined the pro-presidential party "Constitutional Center". Having become a people's deputy, Tymoshenko is actively engaged in party work - in mid-1997, she registered membership in Gromada, a party that was created four years ago by Pavel Lazarenko (at that time the prime minister, later convicted in the United States for corruption - he illegally transferred to this country, according to Ukrainian information, more than 320 million dollars).
In 1998, Yulia Tymoshenko headed the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Budget. Under the leadership of Yulia Vladimirovna, the Budget Committee of the Verkhovna Rada developed the program “100 Weeks of a Decent Life”. Why only 100 weeks were allocated is a mystery.
2001 President of Ukraine Leonid Kuchma considers the recommendation of the country's Prosecutor General Mikhail Potebenko to remove Yulia Tymoshenko (pictured) from the post of Deputy Prime Minister for Fuel and Energy (Photo: Ilyenko Yuriy/TASS)
In 2002, Yulia Tymoshenko created a bloc named after herself - the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT).
On July 2, 2004, Tymoshenko, on behalf of the BYuT, signed an agreement with Viktor Yushchenko to create a coalition "Power of the People" in support of Yushchenko in the presidential elections, an opportunity was provided for Tymoshenko to head the future government.
When Viktor Yushchenko did not win in the first round, Yulia Tymoshenko called on opposition supporters to gather on Independence Square in Kyiv on November 21-22 to defend the results of her will. Tymoshenko became one of the leaders of mass protests against the "rigging" of the presidential elections, which were called the "Orange Revolution".
Premiership of Yulia Tymoshenko
After the victory of Viktor Yushchenko as a result of the first Maidan and the illegal third round of elections, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on February 4, 2005 approved Yulia Vladimirovna as the country's prime minister - 375 votes in favor (out of 450).
2005 President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko during an expanded meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers (Photo: Alexander Prokopenko / TASS)
The main points that characterized the internal economic activity of the Cabinet of Ministers of Yulia Tymoshenko were an increase in salaries, pensions, scholarships (one and a half to two times), a 12-fold increase in the lump-sum allowance for the birth of a child, the "Smuggling - Stop" campaign, the reprivatization of 3,000 enterprises, including the state was returned control over the largest steel plant Krivorozhstal (which was resold in October 2005 for $4.8 billion, 2.4 times more than the starting price). In April-May 2005, the so-called "gasoline crisis" and "sugar crisis" occurred, when the prices of sugar and gasoline rose by 30-50% in 2-3 weeks. For this, Prime Minister Tymoshenko was criticized, including by President Yushchenko.
2005 Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko during the celebration of the anniversary of the "Orange Revolution" on Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Photo: Alexander Prokopenko / TASS)
On August 24, on the Independence Day of Ukraine, speaking at the Maidan, President Yushchenko called the Tymoshenko Cabinet the best. But soon, on September 8, 2005, he dismissed the government of Yulia Tymoshenko due to conflicts and scandals within the government. At the same time, Yushchenko fired NSDC Secretary Petro Poroshenko, who was at the epicenter of a corruption scandal.
Criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko
Political life Yulia Vladimirovna is filled with ups and downs. In 2005-2007 Tymoshenko was in opposition.
The prosecutor's office in Ukraine and the Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia initiated several criminal cases, which concerned, first of all, the activities of the UESU (in 1996-1997), as well as criminal cases regarding "Kyoto money" and "cars of rural medicine" (in 2007-2010 years).
2007 Leader of the Ukrainian Party of Regions Viktor Yanukovych and BYuT leader Yulia Tymoshenko during a meeting (Photo: Vladimir Sindeev/TASS)
But the "gas business" caused the greatest resonance. Yulia Tymoshenko was accused of drawing up a enslaving gas agreement with Russia for Ukraine in 2009.
When Yulia Tymoshenko lost the 2010 presidential campaign to Viktor Yanukovych, new president remembered the high price of gas under the contract concluded by Yulia Vladimirovna, and in October 2011, after lengthy litigation, Tymoshenko was sentenced by the Pechersky District Court: 7 years in prison and compensation of 1.5 billion hryvnia. financial losses of Naftogaz.
2010 Campaign poster depicting presidential candidate Yury Tymoshenko on one of the streets of the city (Photo: Vladimir Sindeev / TASS)
Yulia Tymoshenko was placed in the Kachanivska Colony No. 54 in Kharkiv to serve her sentence. The conclusion of Tymoshenko caused a significant international outcry, and European politicians continually demanded from Yanukovych to release Yulia Vladimirovna.
Opposition deputies rally in support of former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko near the building of the Verkhovna Rada (Photo: Maxim Nikitin / TASS)
After the coup d'état in February 2014, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted a resolution "On the fulfillment of Ukraine's international obligations to release Tymoshenko Yu.V." And already on February 22, 2014, the free Yulia Tymoshenko appeared in a wheelchair on the stage of Independence Square, and again joined the political struggle.
2014 Former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko, released by the decision of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, during a speech on Independence Square (Photo: Mikhail Pochuev / TASS)
However, as a result of the 2014 presidential election, she took 2nd place with a score of 13.13%, losing to Petro Poroshenko. According to many, Yulia Tymoshenko deliberately stepped into the shadows in order to play on the field of opposition in extremely difficult times.
Elections of the President of Ukraine-2019
Yulia Tymoshenko was building up strength for revenge and, according to experts, is one of the favorites in the presidential elections in Ukraine in 2019.
According to one of the polls at the end of 2018, Petro Poroshenko, with 8.6%, ranks third in the ranking of candidates. The leader of the Batkivshchyna, Yulia Tim Oshenko, is in the first place with 14.2%, the comedian-showman Vladimir Zelensky is in the second place - 9% of respondents are ready to vote for him.
Poroshenko has no chance in the presidential elections in Ukraine, says the leader of the Batkivshchyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko, based on the results of regional elections in this country.
“Local elections have shown the whole distribution of votes. The deputies of the Batkivshchyna party received 34 percent, the Petro Poroshenko bloc - 23 percent, and then there is no one for a long, long time. The choice of people suggests that in the second round of elections our team and Poroshenko's team will meet with approximately the same result, 34 percent to 23 percent. That is why I can firmly say that in the second round my opponent does not have a single chance, ”Tymoshenko was quoted as saying by the news of Ukraine.
Blushing and laughing nervously, Tymoshenko explained to the audience that everything that happened was not planned in advance. After a short pause, she laughed again.
Commenting on the beating of a Jewish youth in Kyiv, Yevgeny Chervonenko said: “I am very surprised that there was no such reaction from the government itself and the prime minister. Moreover, Yulia Tymoshenko's mother is Jewish, and her father is Armenian.
At the end of August 2005, a message appeared in the media that Yevgeny Alfredovich Chervonenko, a fellow countryman of Yulia Vladimirovna, who never denied his Jewish origin, publicly stated that Tymoshenko is Jewish. Naturally, the press service of the "Batkivshchyna" was forced to make a response statement, which indicated that Yulia Vladimirovna's father was a Latvian, and her mother was a Ukrainian. Subsequently, this was confirmed by Tymoshenko herself, specifying that her father "is a Latvian in his line up to the hundredth generation." True, then she limited this information to the tenth knee. About her maiden name, Tymoshenko said that earlier she sounded like Grigyas or Grigyanis, but during the communist regime and due to repressions, the letter “s” at the end of the word was replaced by “n” and as a result, turned into Grigyan. Such a statement led to many journalistic investigations. But this is not about that now. Let's look at this situation from the other side. If Timoshenko's father is really a Latvian, then why was her grandfather's name Abram? Tell me, how many Latvians do you know with a purely Jewish name Abram? I am sure that you can go around all of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and not find a single native with the name Abram and the surname Grigyan. This is because this surname is not typical for the inhabitants of the Baltic countries, but at the same time it is quite common among Armenian Jews. There are especially many of them in Nagorno-Karabakh. Local ethnographer Lev Azatyan says that the Grigyans are a well-known “gerdastan” (clan) in Karabakh, which is of aristocratic origin. “Representatives of the Grigyan family, mainly settled in the Askeran region, valiantly participated in the fight against the Ottomans, contributed to the defense of Karabakh in 1918-1921, took part in political resistance to the subordination of Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1923 and were repressed for this during the period of Stalinism ", Azatyan said. Today, there are several dozen families of Grigyans in Nagorno-Karabakh. In Yerevan, there was only one couple with such a surname, and some experts argue that the surname Grigyan is often found among Bessarabian Jews and Gypsies. To justify Yulina’s words, it is worth noting that there are no residents named Grigyan in Moldova either. I can’t help but quote Shimon Briman, a correspondent for the Israeli Russian-language newspaper Vesti, a direct eyewitness of the Orange Revolution: "In two Jewish communities I was told in great secrecy that Yulia Timoshenko was a Halachic Jewess. Nothing surprising. If the orange synagogue helps the rebels, then why shouldn't a Jewish woman lead the Ukrainian national movement?» Also in 2005, Chaim Graetz wrote that “The Greater Israel that the Hyperzionists are planning to build needs a strong and independent ally in their region. This, in their opinion, could be "Ukraine Tymoshenko". It is known in Israel there are documents confirming that Yulia Tymoshenko is a "halachic Jewess" . These papers are nothing but copies from the originals of the Ukrainian archives. I will use only parts of those documents that can be found in the open spaces former USSR. I am sure that many will be interested to know the truth about the kind of Yulia Tymoshenko, deliberately or accidentally confused by her. After all, you must admit that it would be unfair if the roots of the leader of the Ukrainian opposition were cut off at the second knee.
So, let's begin!
Father of Yulia Tymoshenko: Was born Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan December 3, 1937 In his biography, he indicated that he was a Latvian by nationality. Volodya's childhood fell on the war, and during the German occupation, he and his mother lived in Dnepropetrovsk. Vladimir Grigyan went to school in 1945. In high school he was accepted as a member of the Komsomol. After the 10th grade, he went to work at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory as a simple worker. At the same time, he studied at the evening department of the Dnepropetrovsk Chemical-Technological Institute, but in every way he tried to transfer to the full-time department. This fact is confirmed by a letter from the military commissar of Dnepropetrovsk, addressed to the director of the Dnepropetrovsk Institute of Chemical Technology, sent on November 2, 1955 under No. FD 11958, which stated:
“The son of a deceased soldier Grigyan Vladimir Abramovich, born in 1937, is studying at the evening department of the institute entrusted to you. I ask, as an exception, to transfer him from the evening to the day department.
Apparently, the case was not resolved positively. This conclusion allows us to draw the order of the rector of the Dnepropetrovsk Institute of Chemical Technology No. 389 dated September 27, 1956:
“The student of the 1st year of the group 1-P-1 of the evening faculty Grigyan V.A. to be expelled from the number of students, as such that he did not return from his summer vacation. Reason: resolution of the dean of the evening and correspondence faculties - Petrovsky A.V.Signature. 09/25/1956
There is also a certificate issued by the Dnepropetrovsk regional military registration and enlistment office dated September 1, 1955, which states that Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan was an orphan, and his father (grandfather of Yulia Vladimirovna) died during the war.
This document clearly indicates that the father of Vladimir Grigyan (grandfather of Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko) was Kapitelman Abram Kelmanovich.
Yulia Timoshenko's paternal grandfather Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman. There is little information about this relative of the respected Mrs. Tymoshenko. Vladimir Grigyan writes in his autobiography:
“My father, Kapitelman Abram Kelmanovich, was born in 1914. Before the Great Patriotic War, he graduated from a food technical school, worked at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory. In 1935 he entered Dnepropetrovsk State University, graduating in 1940. After graduating from the State University, he was sent to work in the city of Snyatyn as a school principal. In the same year he was drafted into the army. In 1944, my father died in the rank of senior lieutenant of communications.
Vladimir Grigyan indicated this information wherever he studied, worked or was registered. This is how a son wrote about his father. But if there are documents written by Vladimir Grigyan, then, based on the simplest logic, there should be similar ones to A.K. Kapitelman. Unfortunately, I personally do not know their whereabouts. But there can be no doubt that they do exist. So, in 1940, A.K. Kapitelman was sent to work in the city of Snyatyn, Ivano-Frankivsk (at that time, Stanislav) region, as the director of the third Jewish school. Unfortunately, documents about schools and the regional department of education for the period 1940-1941 have not been preserved in the regional state archive. Apparently, they were lost during the German occupation. There is also a possibility that they can be stored among the papers of the Snyatinsky Gestapo in the archives of the former KGB (in the Ivano-Frankivsk department of the SBU). Alas, access to these archives is strictly limited and can only be obtained by relatives or employees of state structures due to official needs. In addition, among the people who studied at the Snyatinsky secondary school in 1940, there may be those who remember their pre-war director. Although at the end of so many years, few will remember the director of the school, who worked only one quarter in it, because in the same year he was called up to serve in the Army. Where and how Abram Kapitelman died, as well as the location of his grave, is not clear . In the "Books of memory" of Dnepropetrovsk and the Dnepropetrovsk region, his last name is not. This suggests that A.K. Kapitelman was not a native of Dnepropetrovsk region, but arrived here later.
Yulia Tymoshenko's paternal grandmother: Maria Iosifovna Grigyan was born in 1909 (as Y. Tymoshenko's father writes in his autobiography) and before the war she worked at the Dnepropetrovsk confectionery factory. A.K. himself also worked here. Kapitelman. There is no doubt that young people could meet and marry here. But most likely, Abram Kelmanovich simply got his wife a job at the factory where he worked and probably already managed to make "necessary" acquaintances. After the war, Maria Iosifovna continued to work at the same factory and held the position of a shop technologist. The exact date of the wedding could not be established, but it is known that on December 3, 1937, their son was born. In the local registry office, he was recorded in the name of his mother. Why they did this is easy to guess. After the revolution, Jews living in the USSR massively changed their ancient Jewish surnames and took new ones with a Russian sound. After the introduction of Soviet passports in 1936, it became more difficult to do this, and during the period of mass repressions of 1937-1938. - almost impossible. However, even then there was little choice - at the birth of a child, his nationality and surname could be written down like that of one of the parents. What the Kapitelman spouses did not fail to take advantage of. So the born Vladimir Kapitelman received the surname Grigyan.
Yulia Timoshenko's great-grandfather Iosif Iosifovich Grigyan: When Vladimir Grigyan was four months old, his grandfather Iosif Iosifovich Grigyan was sentenced to 10 years in labor camps (Maria Iosifovna's father is Yulia Vladimirovna's great-grandfather). Interestingly, in all the Soviet documents I found, the grandfather’s surname was written as “Grigyan” or “Grigan”, which is typical for that period, and was never written as “Grigyas”, as Timoshenko claimed at one time. During the period of the so-called Khrushchev thaw, I.I. Grigyan filed an application for pardon, which was registered on May 27, 1963. Here is its full text (copies of the original could not be obtained):
Prosecutor of the Dnepropetrovsk regionfrom Grigyan Joseph Iosifovichst. Kharkovskaya, 19, apt. 2,Dnepropetrovsk.
STATEMENT
In 1938, I was brought to trial for Article 58 as an enemy of the people and from April 1938 I was sentenced to 10 years (Case No. 409 of the ODTO Stalinskaya railway NKVD). And I was released on January 7, 1948. For what I was convicted and for what I served 10 years, I still do not know. I know only one thing, that I have never been an enemy of any people, and even more so the Soviet one. I'm already in my 80s. I am blind and deaf, I go to the slope and do not want to die with such a stain, and therefore I ask you to raise my case and rehabilitate me.Signature. May 27, 1963
The case of I.I. Grigyan, on the instructions of the prosecutor's office, was reviewed by the KGB department and the relevant data was provided to the court. On October 4, 1963, Yulia Timoshenko's great-grandfather received an answer:
In these documents, attention is drawn to the fact that the surname of Yulia Vladimirovna's great-grandfather is written both through "I", like Grigyan, and through "a" - Grigan. But the fact that in both cases we are talking about the same person confirms the address at which he lived: “Mr. Dnepropetrovsk, st. Kharkivskaya, 19, kv.2.” In his explanations to the investigator in 1938, I.I. Grigyan also wrote that he was born in Riga, from where in 1904 he was mobilized into the tsarist army. But he evaded the service, paying the doctor 50 rubles, and was, allegedly due to illness, demobilized from the army. It should be noted that at that time a cow cost 10-15 rubles, which already indicates a fairly high income of the Grigyan family. The fact that Iosif Iosifovich in 1904 paid off the obligation to defend the Fatherland is in itself quite eloquent. And if we compare the fact of the great-grandfather's corrupt actions with the accusations of the current Russian military prosecutor's office of his granddaughter of bribing Russian generals and officers, then a reasonable question arises: maybe they have this family?
Yulia Tymoshenko's paternal great-grandmother: From the materials of the accusation of great-grandfather Yulia Tymoshenko, it is known that at the time of his arrest in 1937 he had a marriage with Grigyan Elena Titovna, who was born in 1893 in the village of Martynovka, Kishenkovsky district, Poltava province, Ukrainian by nationality. At the time of her husband's rehabilitation, she lived with him in Dnepropetrovsk. It can be assumed that Grigyan was born to these spouses. It was that Maria Iosifovna, who later became the wife of Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman, from whose marriage Yulia Vladimirovna's father was born. But not everything fits here. According to the protocol of interrogation of Elena Titovna Grigyan, it is known that she was born in 1893. And in the biography of Tymoshenko's father, it is indicated that his mother was born in 1909. It turns out that the 16-year-old Poltava girl Elena gave birth to a daughter, Maria, the grandmother of Yulia Vladimirovna. But after all, Iosif Iosifovich himself claimed that he arrived in Yekaterinoslav only in 1914, and before that he lived in Riga. How could Elena be where I.I.'s family lived at that time? Grigyan? Apparently, we are dealing with errors in official documents, or with some very mysterious and dark history. It is likely that Elena Titovna was not the first wife of Joseph Iosifovich Grigyan, so his daughter Maria (born in 1909) may not have anything to do with her.
Brother of Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko: Paternal brother - Vladimir Vladimirovich Grigyan. Her father in 1965, after a divorce from Yulia Vladimirovna's mother, remarried Lyudmila Vasilievna Voitenko. From this marriage they had a son, Vladimir. It is characteristic that Vladimir Vladimirovich Grigyan is written in Russian in all documents.
Conclusions from the study of the paternal line of Yulia Timoshenko: The pedigree of the paternal line of Yulia Tymoshenko consists of two main branches: grandfather Abram Kelmanovich Kapitelman and grandmother Maria Iosifovna Grigyan. With the origin of the grandfather, everything is clear, by nationality he is a Jew. As for the grandmother, everything is not simple here. The documents of the investigation in the case of Maria Iosifovna's father indicate that he was a Latvian. But the surname Grigyan and the name Iosif Iosifovich are very difficult to call Latvian. This surname has a pronounced Armenian origin. The question arises: how did Grigyan get from Armenia to Latvia? There is nothing surprising here. Before the First World War, the Caucasus, like the Baltic states, were part of the Russian Empire. Within its limits, subjects had the opportunity of free movement. Particularly active in this regard was the merchant people, who mainly consisted of Jews. The media also reported that the Grigyan surname belonged to Armenian or Caucasian Jews. the most important in the history of Yulia Vladimirovna's family is the change of surname from Kapitelman to Grigyan. This step of her grandfather is not characteristic of Slavic traditions. That is, if it were not for the grandfather, then Yulia Vladimirovna before marriage could have had the surname Kapitelman.
The history of the Tymoshenko family on the mother's side:
Mother Lyudmila Nikolaevna Telegina (Grigyan, Nelepova).
Very little is known about Yulia Timoshenko's birth mother. She was born on August 11, 1937 in Dnepropetrovsk, in the Nelepov family. Having married at the age of 18, Lyudmila took her husband's surname. But their lives didn't work out. When exactly Lyudmila Nikolaevna divorced and remarried is unknown, but her second husband was Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, who also had not his first marriage. It was in this union that on November 27, 1960, daughter Yulia was born - the future gas princess, the prime minister of Ukraine and the main political prisoner of the country. When little Yulia was three years old, her parents divorced., Lyudmila Nikolaevna returned the name of her first husband. Julia remained with her father's surname. It is not clear why, but neither Lyudmila Nikolaevna, nor her sister Antonina, nor Yulia Vladimirovna herself publicly talk about herself and her family. Even nimble journalists failed to get any reliable information on this matter. But still, there are several sources. Two books about Tymoshenko, written by her own aunt Antonina Ulyakhina, explain something in this matter. In several places in the book "Julia, Yulechka" she recalls her parents, grandparents (Tymoshenko's great-grandfathers), but at the same time she manages to never call them by name and patronymic and does not indicate their surnames. True, in several cases, Ukrainian phrases were put into the grandmother's mouth. There are suggestions that these statements are present in order for the reader to come to the conclusion that Tymoshenko's great-grandmother was Ukrainian. And then the question arises: why mother Lyudmila and her sister Antonina cannot speak Ukrainian? I had to see and hear them. So they communicate exclusively in Russian. By the way, Yulia Vladimirovna's husband Alexander Timoshenko and their daughter Evgenia also do not use our native language in their speech. This is a typical Russian-speaking family. Tymoshenko herself quite successfully mastered Ukrainian only in 1999. All her earlier recordings and interviews, this sweet, fragile-looking, business lady spends exclusively in Russian.
In the book "Julia, Yulechka" Antonina calls her grandmother (great-grandmother Timoshenko) Dasha. In such cases, the native Ukrainians would call “grandmother Darina”, “Dara”, “Darka”, but by no means “Dasha”. And on page 56 it is indicated that Yulia Vladimirovna addressed her aunt Antonina “Tosha”. Agree, such names are not quite familiar to the Ukrainian ear. In addition, the maiden name of Tymoshenko's mother, Lyudmila Nikolaevna Nelepova, is also hardly Ukrainian. I would like to note that information about the family along the line of Tymoshenko's mother is very scarce and fragmented. Despite the fact that Timoshenko's mother and aunt Antonina Ulyakhina should know their roots much deeper, they did not consider it necessary to talk about it. I did not find any other sources that could shed light on this issue.
Yulia Timoshenko's aunt Antonina Nikolaevna Ulyakhina (Nelepova):
As mentioned earlier, Tymoshenko's mother has a sister - Antonina Nikolaevna Ulyakhina. Maiden name, like that of Yulia Vladimirovna's mother, "Nelepova". She was born on July 18, 1949 in Dnepropetrovsk. As she herself writes in the book "Julia, Yulechka", lived with her parents three blocks from the taxi driver's house where her sister and mother Julia lived. According to A. Ulyakhina, she is in early age married, but later divorced. Her husband was Ulyakhin Valery Aleksandrovich. In the late 90s, he worked as deputy director of the Beyutaga MP, owned by Tymoshenko's relatives. Antonina Nikolaevna has a daughter, Tatiana, who is Timoshenko's cousin. Ulyakhina wrote two propaganda books about Yulia Timoshenko: Yulia, Yulechka (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007) and Yulia, Yulia Vladimirovna (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007). In 2008, these truly "cultural works" were republished by the Kharkiv publishing house "Folio". Both of these books contain virtually no information about the Timoshenko family. Moreover, her father, Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan, is not even mentioned in them. But he lived with his family until Yulia was three years old, raised a daughter. Antonina Nikolaevna graduated from the Dnepropetrovsk Mining Institute, was a participant in all business projects of Yulia Vladimirovna and highlighted some of their aspects in the book “Julia, Yulia Vladimirovna”. For some time A.M. Ulyakhina headed the Dnepropetrovsk regional organization of the VO "Batkivshchyna".The following words testify to her understanding of the essence of public administration and political processes: "Politics is a thankless and insidious business" This deep philosophical conclusion, according to which Tymoshenko's niece lives and acts, is hardly the result of her personal conclusions. These are simply the aspects and features of conducting Ukrainian politics. World politics knows many examples of playing a clean game in the political arena. Such famous people like Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, General de Gaulle, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl, Vaclav Havela, Lech Walesa were also great politicians. So can their style of work be called dirty and insidious? After all, these people raised politics to the level of art, thanks to which they led their countries to prosperity, made people kinder and richer. But Yulia Tymoshenko, her aunt and all their oligarchic entourage are very far from this great art. Such statements can be answered that politics becomes dirty and insidious only for those people who themselves are such. And there is no place for such individuals in the politics of any state.
Conclusions: Of course, this article cannot fully establish and confirm all the hidden moments in the pedigree of Yulia Tymoshenko - a person who firmly believes in the gypsy prophecy that she should become president. However, if she really wants to get this high position, then should itself become as open as possible to the people, including their origin. I can definitely say one thing: one can hardly call a decent person who aspires to lead the country, but hides his ethnic origin. Of course, nationality is not a defining feature of a person's personality. But it just so happened that the belonging of the head of the country to a certain nation by itself imposes on him a special responsibility to it. This is a very important factor that can influence all its activities, prompting them to act for the benefit of their own people. The sense of responsibility, duty and love for one's nation is much stronger than for the representatives of any other country. It is for these reasons that in each country the Constitution stipulates that only a representative of an indigenous nation can be elected head of state. I have never heard a Pole elected president in Germany, a Russian in Poland, a Hungarian or a Romanian in the Czech Republic, a Turk in Greece, or an Arab in Israel. And the reason is not that a person may turn out to be dishonorable, but that a citizen of his country, in addition to decency, also has a blood debt to his own people. So why did we, Ukrainians, stop following this? After all, at all times in Ukraine, people without family or tribe were called “bezbatchenki, passers-by and zayds.” By their nature, they could not and did not do anything really useful and good for a foreign country. In fact, that's why no one expected anything from them. It is from this category of persons that the current Ukrainian politicum has largely formed. Its representatives shamelessly call themselves the "elite" of the country, they are now trying to regain control of the state again. Remember, in 2005, during the presidential campaign, many wondered why Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko gave the right of primacy in the presidential race to such a weak, morally and politically unprepared politician as Viktor Andreyevich Yushchenko? If someone thinks that he had more support from the electorate, he is ready to object! During the period of the opposition actions “Ukraine without Kuchma”, it was Yulia who was at the forefront of the police cordons, it was she who led and inspired people to fight the regime. Yushchenko in those difficult, turbulent times for the country, as a rule, took the position of a “hose”, making angry speeches in parliament. True, often his faction did not vote with the opposition, but against it. So maybe the whole point is that the protege of American groups of influence, which can be considered Viktor Andreevich, is simply provided Yulia with information received "from above" about the true origin of the "woman in white and with a scythe". And for his silence, he asked to give him the opportunity to become head of state. As compensation, he promised to make a "halachic Jew" the prime minister. I do not exclude the fact that Yulia Tymoshenko was none other than the conductor of world Zionism in Ukraine. After all, initially the problem was not that she was Jewish, but how carefully she concealed it. Already a lot says that it was the circles of hyperzionism that promoted it in order to create a springboard for expanding their influence in our region. But this is not a task, forces intervened that disrupted the clearly planned course of things. At first, Viktor Andreevich Yushchenko wanted to sit on the throne, at least for one term. Then Viktor Fedorovich Yanukovych took the reins of government, in an honest, it should be said, fight. By the way, from this position, both Victors, so ardently unloved by the majority of the Ukrainian people, look like literally saviors of national interests from the clutches and influence of the “builders of world Zionism.” It is from this position that the orange-gas princess’s choice of her successor from among her comrades-in-arms in the democratic camp looks quite logical . Arseniy Yatsenyuk, for all his inadequacy and absurdity, is also a representative of the Jewish nation, although he also hides it in every possible way. But even upon closer examination of his roots, it becomes clear that Arseniy Petrovich is by no means a third-generation Ukrainian. Yatsenyuk's mother, whose maiden name is Bakai, belongs to an ancient Jewish family, which is known to the world, thanks to the most authoritative interpreter of the Talmud - Rabbi Bakai. You yourself understand what funding entails reaching the top of the Zionist movement, promoting their interests in the highest circles of power. In addition, against the backdrop of the persecution in the expanses of the former USSR of especially zealous and wealthy representatives of this nation (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky, etc.), Yulia Vladimirovna, with her tangled roots and Arseniy Petrovich, who disowns his Jewish roots, fit perfectly into the situation as well as possible. In addition the question arises where he looks and what Tyagnibok thinks. How can an ardent nationalist-patriot afford to help the representatives of the Jewish nation move towards the helm of Ukrainian power. Or maybe Mr. Tyagnibok hopes that it is they, Tymoshenko and Yatsenyuk, who will help him rise to the top of the Ukrainian Olympus? Is he still flattering himself with hopes that the Jews will elect a nationalist as a single candidate for the presidency of Ukraine? If Oleg Yaroslavovich really thinks so, then let me remind the main patriot of Ukraine that playing giveaway with jews is very dangerous. Even very cunning Ukrainians. Or are you also hiding something from your biography? Yes, this investigation has generated too many questions, and the Slavic movement in Ukraine, meanwhile, seems to be gaining momentum. Well, let's wait and see!
P.S. I want to inform you that due to too much material, I had to split the article into two parts. So expect more in the very near future. In the second part, details from the life of Yulia Vladimirovna from her marriage to the “last days” will be considered ... How her campaign for power and money turned out, for relatives, friends and enemies ...
Materials used in preparing the article: 1. The book "Julia, Yulechka" (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007), A.M. Ulyakhin; 2. The book "Julia, Yulia Vladimirovna" (Dnepropetrovsk, 2007), A.M. Ulyakhin; 3. Ostrov N. "Jewish Roots of Tymoshenko" Phrase. - November 26, 2005. - - www.fraza.com.ua.4. Gretz Chaim. "The Halakhic Jewess Tymoshenko, Revolution and Hyperzionism" Phrase. - September 16, 2005. http://fraza.com.ua/print/16.09.05/10131.html5. Material from Wikipedia - free encyclopedia http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki : Topics: - Jewry; - Timoshenko Yulia Vladimirovna. Collection of dossiers on famous people http://www.pseudology.org/Eneida/Grigian_Timoshenko.htm7. ; News portal - http://regnum.ru/news/issues/989417.html8. ; News Portal - http://ns-portal.com/blog/news/664.html9. ; Investigation by Dmitry Chobit
